Book Review: Hate by Matthew Collins

Hate is the captivating and witty autobiography of reformed fascist turned Searchlight mole Matthew Collins. Collins was a full-time activist and administrator for the National Front for several years at the turn of the 1990s and his experience spans the disintegration of the NF and the rise of the British National Party. It is an engrossing chronicle of confrontation between the left and right and examines Collins’ relationship with prominent fascists including Ian Anderson, Richard Edmonds, Eddie Whicker, Tony Lecomber and Combat 18 leader Charlie Sargent.

The book – crude, brutal and savagely funny – charts Collins’ involvement with the National Front in his late teens through to his work as an informant with the anti-fascist magazine Searchlight. Collins was the principle source of Andy Bell’s World In Action documentary and was forced into hiding for 10 years in Australia before returning to the UK to work full-time as an anti-fascist campaigner.

Although Collins was never a fascist leader and his flirtation with the far right was relatively brief, he does provide a fascinating insight into the tactics and psychology of British Nazism. The right’s ability to mobilise coalitions of thugs – including violent fascists, barbaric football hooligans and brutish Loyalists – is truly chilling, but Collins also demonstrates the inherent contradictions and weakness of the movement.

The awkward alliance of various groups and factions is saturated with egotism and paranoia whilst deluded ideological warhorses – such as Anderson and Edmonds – rely on the muscle and numbers provided by football hooligans to further their political ends. Hooligan firms might echo the racist bile of the NF and the BNP, but they’re not interested in building a ‘movement’ or selling papers, they just want a ruck with some Reds. Collins’ terrifying description of a number of violent encounters with the left helps illustrate this implicit conflict.

Another highlight is the fascinating story of Mr X – a former Trotskyite turned Sun journalist who becomes increasingly cosy with leading British Nazis and violent Ulster Loyalists – which illustrates the incestuous relationships between the far right of the Conservative Party and the fascist movement. Until the emergence of some embarrassing photographs, Mr X plays an increasingly pivotal role in the National Front as he offers them access to the political establishment and writes for a number of NF publications.

Unlike similar accounts – such as Ray Hill’s The Other Face of Terror – there is no epiphany or eureka moment which converts Collins to fighting fascism. Rather it is a gradual disillusionment with the increasingly well-organised and escalating violence. This gradualism mirrors Collins’ first interaction with the National Front and his hesitant and wary engagement of Searchlight.

Although the primary focus is on the National Front, as a historical document charting the rise of the BNP – detailing its violent, Nazi and anti-parliamentary origins – the book is truly significant. Much of what Collins says is hardly revelatory, but it is an important resource to demonstrate the true colours of the BNP when many of its supporters – and even members – are ignorant of the reality.

Hate does not provide a blueprint for fighting fascism, but it does show how the far right attracts working-class people damaged by the system and encourages them to express their anger at other members of society. It shows how fascists exploit some of the most vulnerable people in society – young working-class men with limited prospects – and gives them a sense of belonging, worth and comradeship. The most important lesson of Collins’ book is that as long as the mainstream political establishment continues to restrict employment opportunities and housing prospects for the inner-city youth, the far right will continue to be a frightening menace. As a first-hand account of this menace – and for anyone concerned about the rise of the far right and the emergence of the EDL – this is a must read.

Click here to buy Hate from Hope Not Hate with all proceeds going to Searchlight.

Media Watch: Royal Mail Bans Religion

In a recent ‘exclusive’ The Sunday Express declared that Royal Mail had banned religion. According to David Paul:

Church leaders are furious with Royal Mail bosses who ditched Christian images on Christmas stamps in favour of children’s favourites Wallace and Gromit.

Firstly, it is self-evident that Royal Mail has neither the moral authority nor the power to ban religion. Secondly the only “church leader” the newspaper could cite was the Rev Hugh Hoskins, “team rector for St Mary’s Church in Upavon, Wiltshire” – a place which has a population of little over 1200. Royal Mail make it quite clear that it is their policy to alternate non-secular and secular themed stamps whilst it is interesting to note that a certain Rev Hugh Hoskins was responsible for a religious design in 2009.

Paul even has the audacity to state that an image of the Madonna and Child will still be on sale – hardly sounds like a ban, especially when Royal Mail declare that it’s sold “tens of millions” of the stamps.

The Express’ ability to transform the sale of millions of religious stamps into a ‘religious ban’ would be funny if it wasn’t so disturbing. At a time when public sector cuts and Royal Mail privatisation is high on the political agenda, this journalistic hyperbole is another example of sensationalist and reactionary commentary which acts to undermine the public sector. The implication that the new stamps represent “a cynical bid by Royal Mail bosses to boost profits” is fundamentally flawed as the vast majority of customers purchase stamps for their function and care little for design. A pleasant picture of Wallace and Gromit does not mean that people will suddenly ditch texting each other and start writing letters. Furthermore, Royal Mail needs to make profit in certain areas to subsidise loss-making services – such as community Post Offices.

The Express specialises in misleading headlines and overstating reactionary criticism, but it is their comment section which is truly alarming. Not only have we “surrendered our Christian Nation” but, according to johnstretch, the Royal Mail is “pandering to Muslim groups”. Misrepresenting facts to undermine the public sector is one thing, but cynically hijacking emotive issues like Christmas and religion acts to fuel religious hatred and foster support for fascism.

The Far Right and the Need to Listen

Nick Griffin’s invite to a garden party at Buckingham Palace – like his invite to BBC Question Time –was issued to him as an elected member of the European Parliament. Whereas Griffin was royally trounced on Question Time, his invite to Buckingham Palace was withdrawn at the last moment and the prawn sandwiches (on white bread, obviously) were left uneaten. The reason cited was that Griffin “overtly” used his invitation for political purposes.

The incident raises the perennial question of how to deal with the far right. It has been argued that fascist parties should be banned – I do not agree. It has more frequently been argued that fascist parties should be denied a platform and this has seen the BNP disenfranchised from university debates and electoral hustings around the country – again, I do not agree.

The reason I disagree is not because I am a libertarian on a crusade to champion free speech. Neither is it because I am a Nazi. It is because I feel that challenging the BNP’s rhetoric of hate is the best way to fight fascists. Fascism is based on lies and fear - both of which can be exposed when confronted. Peter Tatchell challenged Nick Griffin today and how did the BNP react? With aggression and violence. This exposure and publicity severely harms the BNP. Griffin himself has denied the Holocaust on a number of occasions – but the horrors of the Holocaust are as close as you can get to historical fact. For every one person attracted to their views, ten times more are appalled by their ill-informed macho idiocy.

Seeing the BNP in national media swells the ranks of the anti-fascist movement. The BNP lost all 12 of their councillors on Barking and Dagenham council because of mass mobilisation. The increased turn-out which facilitated this wasn’t because the electorate was particularly politicised, it was because they recognised the threat of the BNP. They knew through the national media that the possibility of BNP gains were very real and that inspired millions to fight. Without this publicity, they could’ve crept in through the back door.

Banning parties of the far right serves to galvanise and invigorate their cause. It creates martyrs out of morons and the underground threat is even harder to monitor. Movements are given lifeblood by a veil of mystique, intrigue and sense of rebellion – but remove this shroud and they can be fought and exposed.

Potential BNP voters shouldn’t be pushed further to the margins of society, they should be re-engaged and their concerns should be addressed. The BNP thrive in places of white working-class deprivation where the scapegoat of immigration is their bloodlust. But disquiet around immigration is usually a proxy for other concerns – availability of jobs, job security, affordable housing, crime – and the problem of the BNP can only be truly combated when these core issues are addressed.

Therefore, not only should the BNP be fought openly and honestly to expose their abhorrent views, we also need to listen to the concerns of the vulnerable and marginalised people on which the BNP prey. Only then can we tackle the cause and effect of the far right.