Wednesday, 30 June 2010

Media Watch: Just a small issue


I was reading an article in the Metro this morning which recounted the tale of a dwarf threatening a policeman with a baseball bat. They described the bat as “almost as big as him” which got me thinking: if the man had been Afro-Caribbean, would they have dared describe something as “almost as black as the man”? Due to the fact that the Mail Group owns the Metro, the answer’s probably yes.

Elsewhere, another article detailed how a primary school in Devon enraged parents by encouraging an “‘inclusive programme of positive touch and clothed peer massage”. One irate parent found it “incomprehensible that such a programme can be introduced through the back door”. Well let’s hope nothing’s been introduced through the back door, otherwise it might become a police matter...

Tuesday, 29 June 2010

War on Welfare

Another day and another attack on the welfare state. Within days of the coalition agreement, all initiatives aimed at encouraging the employment of the long-term unemployed had been scrapped – the Young Person’s Guarantee, the Future Jobs Fund and employment subsidies. The coalition claimed they were costly, but when you consider the comparable cost of someone claiming Jobseekers’ Allowance and Housing Benefit, these ‘wasteful’ Labour policies actually seem quite cost effective. Not to mention the disposable income employees have to reinvest in their local communities – and the associated increase in self-esteem it has on individuals, families and communities.

In recent days, however, the coalition’s assault has become much more directed at the recipients of benefits. Firstly Iain Duncan-Smith pledged to reassess all those on Incapacity Benefit and Employment Support Allowance (which could see unemployment figures hit four million) and then, in a hideous echo of Norman Tebbitt’s “on your bike” speech, he’s proposing relocating the unemployed to areas with a job surplus. Where he thinks this magical place is, I’ve no idea. North Korea? If, as is more likely the case, he’s talking about Southern England, then I’m afraid there’s not enough jobs there either and – with the government slashing housing benefit (not to mention landlords and second-home owners pushing up the prices) – there’s no way they could afford to relocate. All it would do is create ghettoized communities and more social division.

Today it was the turn of Labour turncoat Frank ‘Poverty Tsar’ Field to attack shirking fathers who would rather stay on benefit than take employment.

The core principle underlying Field’s article is sound – people who are capable of working should work – but the tactics Field champions, and the ill-informed and reactionary rhetoric he employs, are totally counter-productive.

Firstly, Field’s article itself is grounded in an old fashioned and outdated idea of the nuclear family. He claims that “unemployed fathers will not accept offers of work for less than £300 a week since they feel it is not worth their while.” I’d like to see what research this is based on. An unemployed person over 25 receives just £65 JSA a week (£10 less if they’re under 25). Someone earning the current national minimum wage (£5.80 per hour) would need to work only 11.3 hours a week to be “better off” than that pitiful level of benefit. Hence, whilst Field’s aspersions may be correct (please provide the evidence) is it irresponsible to make such hyperbolic statements – anyone who doesn’t know about benefit levels would think they all receive £300 a week!

Field also suggests “that men who refuse to take up a government offer of work should have their benefit removed altogether, a far tougher sanction than they face under the current benefits regime.” Firstly, this already happened under the Labour government. Secondly, there is no such thing as a “government offer of work” because all the schemes aimed at encouraging employers to recruit long-term unemployed have been scrapped.

Field is right to champion “the unmarried father who is often young, unemployed and often unemployable and who is unskilled” but this requires state intervention, not state inaction. Employers won’t employ these types of people without incentives or re-education, and the young people won’t gain necessary skills without resourced training (which has been scrapped following the cancellation of the Young Person’s Guarantee) or a robust and effective apprenticeship strategy. It seems somewhat contradictory that Field criticises Labour’s spending on welfare, but supports a reinstatement of their jobs fund.

The type of rhetoric which Field employs – along with the constant demonisation of benefit claimants – is profoundly undemocratic because it is fundamentally misleading. The message coming from the coalition suggests there is no alternative to acting ruthlessly but this quite simply untrue. The welfare system does need reform, but it doesn’t need ripping apart. People should work if they are capable and they should be penalised if they reject the offer of work. But you can’t create a draconian welfare system based on penalties and sanctions when there are no jobs available to take. Neither is it progressive of left-wing, however, to have millions of people claiming benefits. We need a proactive and dynamic welfare system that encourages employers to recruit through the Jobcentre and that makes it worthwhile and straightforward for people to accept work.

Finally, here's a party political broadcast on behalf of the ConDem Coalition:

Monday, 28 June 2010

Cable: VAT poster was point scoring

Prior to the General Election, the Lib-Dems positioned themselves as the party of progression. They stood for civil liberties, attacked the renewal of Trident and warned against the ‘bombshell’ of a VAT rise. Distancing themselves from the ‘old’ politics, they were honest and open – and, for many people, they represented a real alternative.

Fast forward six weeks and the Lib-Dems have jumped into bed with the oldest party of them all – a horrible case of political necrophilia. And now the much-loved ‘progressive’ Vince Cable dismisses the Lib-Dems’ pre-election VAT stance as “trying to score a point against the Conservatives”. How refreshing! And are we to assume that all your pre-election promises were examples of “point scoring” which you’ve now dropped?

The Lib-Dems' support of a VAT rise is not just a betrayal, it illuminates them as a party of regression and conservatism. With public sector pay frozen and benefits cut in real terms, the VAT rise will hit the most vulnerable people in society. Furthermore, a 20% VAT rate effectively means that public sector pay hasn't been frozen - it's been cut.

But fear not – the Red Knight Simon Hughes has appeared on the horizon promising that backbench Lib-Dem MPs could seek to amend the budget to make it more progressive. Does that mean that all those who voted Lib-Dem on 6th May will be able to amend their vote too?

Wednesday, 23 June 2010

It’s Labour’s Fault

By increasing borrowing to help sure up the UK economy against the global financial crisis, the previous Labour Government have unknowingly put the state at massive risk. They have given the Tory/Lib Dem coalition a blank cheque to cut and hack away at the state under the banner of solving the national debt. Never mind the fact that it’s the banks' irresponsibility that forced the government to borrow to bail them out (after which their refusal to lend crippled the economy). No, it’s Labour’s fault that we all have to tighten our belts. What about the bank levy though? Doesn’t that mean the banks are helping to repay the debt? Well no. It now seems that the reduced rate of corporation tax will mean that they are all better off anyway. Don’t worry; those bankers will be getting nice fat bonuses next year.

Previously the right had to hide behind excuses that reducing the state was more efficient or better for the economy. Now they have a better reason. If they don’t reduce government spending, Britain will go bankrupt. This ignores the fact that most EU states have higher national debt and longer term plans for repaying it. Their aim as always is to push back the state to a level which can’t be undone. They now have a much more immediate justification to do this.

Look out of your window. This will be as good as it gets.

Thursday, 10 June 2010

Labour Leadership: A Lost Opportunity?

It is a sad indictment on the Labour Party - and our democracy as a whole - that John McDonnell has not made it onto the ballot to be party leader. John McDonnell's socialist disposition will never be popular with the establishment, it may never be popular with the electorate, and it may never be popular with the Labour Party, but the sad thing is we'll never know.

The Lib-Dems’ promiscuous flirtation with Labour before eventually bedding the Tories demonstrates that there is little difference between the leadership of all three parties. McDonnell's appearance on the ballot paper, however, would have shifted the whole area of debate. Excluding Diane Abbott, all the candidates are white, middle-class, Oxbridge educated men who've served as Special Advisors and supported the policies of New Labour. Is this inspiring? Is this going to attract a new generation to politics? And can they compete with their more experienced PR clones Cameron and Clegg?

Regardless of what you think of McDonnell’s politics, he is passionately principled and consistently champions those unable to represent themselves. He voted against his own government on the Iraq war, tuition fees and ID cards. In each of these cases, he represented a large majority of public opinion - opinion not reflected by the actions of parliament. Who will be the dissenting voice now? Who will listen to the people? Without John McDonnell’s voice in the leadership debate, the other candidates will go unchallenged, unchecked and the status quo will prevail. Democracy itself relies on debate and discussion from the widest possible field. By silencing a whole wing of its party through bureaucratic gerrymandering, Labour has denied its members a voice.

The Labour leadership contest will be conspicuous by John McDonnell’s absence, but at least the presence of Britain’s first black female MP shows Labour are more diverse than their rivals in the Commons. Will Diane Abbott succeed in shifting the field of debate, or will we be left with the same old New Labour?

Tuesday, 1 June 2010

Labour Leadership: A broad enough church?

The Labour Party is at a crux. Will a new leader invigorate the party and guide them to victory in the near future, or will they spend years in the wilderness hop-scotching between impotent leaders? Only time will tell.

What is clear, is that they have the opportunity to revitalise the party and re-engage, not just with lost Labour members, but with the electorate as a whole. Now that the Milibands and Ed Balls have secured their place on the ballot for Labour leader, they should each ensure that the other candidates – particularly John McDonnell – also get nominated.

All of the candidates claim to champion a re-engagement with the grassroots of the party – but this can only be achieved if all wings are represented in the leadership debate. Only by defeating challengers from each wing of the party can the eventual victor get the mandate necessary to lead the party and realign its direction. Therefore, undecided MPs should forgo career considerations by nominating one of the candidates not yet secured on the ballot paper – be that John McDonnell, Diane Abbott or Andy Burnham. The Labour Party is a broad church made up of social democrats, trade unionists, socialists and social minded liberals – all of whom deserve their voice heard. The Labour Party has the perfect opportunity to re-establish itself as the party of progress and social inclusion – but this can only be done with open and broad debate. By showcasing its diverse make-up, Labour can reengage with working people and contrast itself to the white, male-dominated Oxbridge elite of the ‘new’ coalition government. Whether Labour takes this opportunity might inform how long the party remains in the wilderness...